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Parsons, N. (Research and Development Unit, University of Botswana, http://www.ub.bw, NaN, 1997)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is about the way people of Tswana origin related with non Tswana speaking people and how they referred to them. It talks about how some of the non Tswana speaking people especially the Whites or Makgowa came into being as seen by the Tswana and other inhabitants of Southern Africa. The article also talks about trade, Traders and Travellers among the Tswana, other Africans in Southern Africa and the Whites (Makgowa,the Boers (Maburu), the Portuguese in Southern Africa. The barrier between "us" and "them" (or in postmodern-speak, "the other") in Sotho- Tswana language is said to be most clearly demarcated by the mo-! ba- (singular! plural) distinction in noun prefixes given to "us" people and the le-! ma- prefixes given to "them" people. This being a mirror image of Nguni usage, where "us" are ama- and "they" are abe-. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/1102 Files in this item: 1
Parsons_PULA_1997.pdf (2.020Mb) -
Chebanne, A. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: The Khoisan people are one of the indigenous peoples of Southern Africa. Botswana has the greatest diversity of these autochthonous communities. As ethnic minorities, they are characterized in the main by small numbers, aboriginality, and necessitousness compared to other ethnic communities who readily engage modern socioeconomic dynamics of the country. They are generally marginalized and their ethnic and social identity is completely eclipsed because in Botswana they are lumped together in cultural and language development with the main society and this has only exacerbated their plight as they are reeling under assimilation and marginalization. This situation has the effect of ethno-linguistic endangerment as they lose their individual ethnic and linguistic identities. Their agitations for ethno-linguistic preservation rights have been put in the lime-light by Human Rights NGOs. This paper examines the condition of these people within the current monolithic cultural framework, which has the effect of annihilating the Khoisan. It argues that handling the Khoisan issues within a multicultural discourse framework would be the most palpable way to cater for their continued existence as indigenous communities. It is through their languages, their preserved ethnicity, and within a framework of multicultural discourses that they can best communicate their identity through their culture. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/999 Files in this item: 1
Chebanne_JMD_2010.pdf (1.755Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: This article argues that the Kalahari desert region of the Kwena tribal reserve quietly slipped out of the imperial command from 1930–1950, at a time when British colonial authorities achieved territorial control of the tribal areas of Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana)through the chiefs. The British had reluctantly colonised Bechuanaland and initially left the chiefs to their own devices. However, with a new generation of chiefs in office in the 1920s, numerous ‘ugly’ developments in the tribal areas, and lack of regulation of chiefly powers, forced the colonial government to tighten control. By the mid-1940s this appeared to have been achieved in most parts of the country. But the lack of resources and logistical difficulties, combined with weak tribal leadership at the Kwena tribal headquarters made the Kalahari desert impossible to police. Hence, it became a safe haven for alleged criminal elements, such as tax evaders and game poachers for example. The remote and isolated village of Tsetseng proved to be a particular problem for the colonial authorities and this ‘lawless’ area was only brought back into effective imperial control in 1953 after a difficult campaign. The article also argues that consultation and Tswana succession through primogeniture made indirect rule in Bechuanaland operate differently from other parts of British Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/998 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JSAS_2010.pdf (1.448Mb) -
Makgala, C.J.; Botlhale, E. (Routledge (Taylor and francis), www.routledge.com, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This account of tribal finances in Bechuanaland Protectorate under British colonial rule argues that while the treasury dispensation made the tribes responsible for their finances, it also brought about a new dynamic and challenge in tribal communities as a result of a new monetary and financial system. Little or inadequate remuneration led to low morale, theft, and the employment of incompetent personnel in some instances. The colonial authority needed the chiefs to run tribal affairs and for political stability. As a result, chiefs often escaped unpunished whenever they were involved in peculation of funds. On the other hand, when tribal revenue workers did the same they were harshly dealt with. Efficiency and corruption in the treasury system differed from one area to another and was dependent on the character of the chief in the area. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/924 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_AHR_2008.pdf (2.701Mb) -
Bolaane, M.M.M.; Kanduza, A.M. (Botswana Society, http://www.botsoc.org.bw, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This discussion is a critical assessment of the role of cultural factors in promoting tourism in Botswana. From the 1990s, the Botswana Government’s policy on tourism focused on involving local community participation in tourism by making Botswana cultural heritage one of the cornerstones of tourism. This policy included goals of alleviating rural poverty and promoting sustainable resource management. Communities in urban and rural areas were challenged to market their cultural knowledge such as holding court, traditional Botswana hospitality, performance arts and handicrafts in attracting international tourists. This policy of engaging communities in cultural tourism caused tension in relations with policies launched earlier. Since independence in 1966, the Government of Botswana followed economic policies which promoted private sector participation and partnerships. From the 1970s, the private sector was particularly courted to participate in tourism in order to attract famous and rich tourists such as entertainment actors to Botswana. This promoted a strategy and vision called ‘low volume –high price market tourism’. The Government hoped to use its reputation for good governance and economic management to attract rich tourists. It was anticipated that through cultural tourism, local communities in various parts of the country would become involved and benefit. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/867 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_BNR_2008.pdf (111.0Kb)