Browsing Research articles (Dept of History) by Title
Now showing items 1-20 of 26
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Bennett, B.S.; Bolaane, M.M. (African Studies Center, Boston University, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: The article is about the inter-war history of the Bechuanaland Protectorate, in which it was alleged that Tshekedi Khama, regent of the BaNgwato (1925-1949), was persecuting a small group of people for practicing Anglicanism, thus violating the official monopoly of the London Missionary Society (L.M.S.). URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/747 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_IJAHS_2010..pdf (1.411Mb) -
Makgala, C.J.; Botlhale, E. (Routledge (Taylor and francis), www.routledge.com, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This account of tribal finances in Bechuanaland Protectorate under British colonial rule argues that while the treasury dispensation made the tribes responsible for their finances, it also brought about a new dynamic and challenge in tribal communities as a result of a new monetary and financial system. Little or inadequate remuneration led to low morale, theft, and the employment of incompetent personnel in some instances. The colonial authority needed the chiefs to run tribal affairs and for political stability. As a result, chiefs often escaped unpunished whenever they were involved in peculation of funds. On the other hand, when tribal revenue workers did the same they were harshly dealt with. Efficiency and corruption in the treasury system differed from one area to another and was dependent on the character of the chief in the area. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/924 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_AHR_2008.pdf (2.701Mb) -
Chirikure, S.; Pwiti, G. (University of Chicago Press, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: Community archaeology has conferred an alternative dimension on conventional archaeology and heritage management, empowering previously powerless peoples, particularly the indigenous and local communities that have lost rights to their heritage through colonialism. So important has its impact been that there has been only limited reference in the literature to its problems. Examination of case studies from various parts of the world reveals that problems associated with defining what a community is and who is indigenous, coupled with the existence of multiple communities with multiple interests, have sometimes diminished the utility of the approach. In some cases, archaeologists and heritage managers have been unwilling to give up some of their powers and have continued to view local communities as only passive partners. In others, local communities have considered their views and concerns more important than those of the archaeologists. As a result, the so-called equal partnerships between archaeologists and communities have disappointingly ended up as uneasy relationships. Without effective solutions to some of these problems, community archeology may remain a goal to be pursued rather than becoming standard practice. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/471 Files in this item: 2
Chikure_CA_2008.pdf (908.4Kb)Chikure_CA_2008.pdf (908.4Kb) -
Morapedi, W.G. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2007)[more][less]
Abstract: This article focuses mainly on the Tuli block and Ghanzi farming areas because they were and still are the most economically viable. The aim of this article is to draw a comparison between the labour situation in Ghanzi and the Tuli Block farms during the protectorate years, specifically from 1930 to 1966. These two areas lie in two extreme ends of Botswana. The Ghanzi farms lie in the dry highlands of western Botswana, close to Namibia. In the 1930s and early 1940s Ghanzi was a peripheral area, having little contact with the rest of the country and the settler economy being largely subsistence. The Tuli Block is in the valley bushveld of eastern Botswana close to the Transvaal (now Limpopo province).By the 1930s and 1940s, this area had already adopted commercial farming. It is interesting to compare these two areas because while one would expect many similarities under British protection, the contextual variations that existed also created divergences that invite comparisons. Whites (predominantly Afrikaners) from South Africa owned the farms in both areas, but there were different regional variations, different ecological zones and ethnic workforces that make an interesting comparison. These key aspects of the farming areas and their implications will become clear as the study unfolds. Another interesting comparison is between the different ethnicities that provided labour within the Ghanzi farms. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/506 Files in this item: 1
morapedi_AS_2007.pdf (2.681Mb) -
Bolaane, M.M.M.; Kanduza, A.M. (Botswana Society, http://www.botsoc.org.bw, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This discussion is a critical assessment of the role of cultural factors in promoting tourism in Botswana. From the 1990s, the Botswana Government’s policy on tourism focused on involving local community participation in tourism by making Botswana cultural heritage one of the cornerstones of tourism. This policy included goals of alleviating rural poverty and promoting sustainable resource management. Communities in urban and rural areas were challenged to market their cultural knowledge such as holding court, traditional Botswana hospitality, performance arts and handicrafts in attracting international tourists. This policy of engaging communities in cultural tourism caused tension in relations with policies launched earlier. Since independence in 1966, the Government of Botswana followed economic policies which promoted private sector participation and partnerships. From the 1970s, the private sector was particularly courted to participate in tourism in order to attract famous and rich tourists such as entertainment actors to Botswana. This promoted a strategy and vision called ‘low volume –high price market tourism’. The Government hoped to use its reputation for good governance and economic management to attract rich tourists. It was anticipated that through cultural tourism, local communities in various parts of the country would become involved and benefit. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/867 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_BNR_2008.pdf (111.0Kb) -
Barei, G. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit/http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This article focuses on three districts of Botswana, namely Central District, Ngwaketse District and Kgatleng District. It argues that as a result of the role played by the institution of chieftainship in elections, certain voting paltems that are discussed in the conceptual framework can be associated with it. The extent to which chieftainship has influenced electoral outcomes varies from one area to another. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/508 Files in this item: 1
Barei_PBJAS_2000.pdf (1.504Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge, http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=t713429127, NaN, 2009)[more][less]
Abstract: Although economic, political, ethnic and religious factors have led to regionalisms and other divides, causing civil strife and civil wars in many countries, in Botswana the north-south divide existed for a long time merely as a political undercurrent. However, the turn of the twenty-first century saw the explosion of issues motivated by perceptions that it was the north-south divide that caused imbalance in the provision of infrastructural development and ethnic inequality. This article traces the north south divide in Botswana back to the early British colonial enterprise, when it was used for administrative convenience. Although in the post-colony the first president handled the situation pro-actively, his successors abandoned this approach. Regionalism ensued as personal ambitions for power and wealth took political and sometimes tribal dimensions. Ethnic identities were used to bolster campaigns despite the fact that identities in Botswana are multiple and multilayered rather than mutually exclusive. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/590 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JCAS_2009.pdf (4.772Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis group), http://www.routledge.com, NaN, 2009)[more][less]
Abstract: Although economic, political, ethnic and religious factors have led to regionalisms and other divides, causing civil strife and civil wars in many countries, in Botswana the north south divide existed for a long time merely as a political undercurrent. However, the turn of the twenty-first century saw the explosion of issues motivated by perceptions that it was the north south divide that caused imbalance in the provision of infrastructural development and ethnic inequality. This article traces the north south divide in Botswana back to the early British colonial enterprise, when it was used for administrative convenience. Although in the post-colony the first president handled the situation pro-actively, his successors abandoned this approach. Regionalism ensued as personal ambitions for power and wealth took political and sometimes tribal dimensions. Ethnic identities were used to bolster campaigns despite the fact that identities in Botswana are multiple and multilayered rather than mutually exclusive. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/553 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JCAS_2009.pdf (1.639Mb) -
Bolaane, M. (Blackwell Synergy; The definitive version is available at www.blackwell-synergy.com, August NaN, 2004)[more][less]
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present a background discussion on the impact of game reserve policy on Bugakhwe, " River BaSarwa" (Bushmen/San people) in Eastern Ngamiland. The issues of local community ownership and its relationship to perceptions of what constitutes a rural development, and the problems of land rights, wildlife management and settlement, are important in the booming industry of the Okavango region. When the Moremi Game Reserve was created in 1963, the San of Khwaai were moved out and relocated in their present position, at the north gate of the Moremi Game Reserve. The question of access to traditional land and its resources has characterized the BaSarwa's response to the government's Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) initiative of 1995. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/229 Files in this item: 2
Bolaane_SPA_2004.pdf (4.085Mb)license.txt (1.998Kb) -
Bolaane, M. (Wiley-Blackwell, NaN, 2004)[more][less]
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present a background discussion on the impact of game reserve policy on Bugakhwe, “River BaSarwa” (Bushmen/San people) in Eastern Ngamiland. The issues of local community ownership and its relationship to perceptions of what constitutes a rural development, and the problems of land rights, wildlife management and settlement, are important in the booming industry of the Okavango region. When the Moremi Game Reserve was created in 1963, the San of Khwaai were moved out and relocated in their present position, at the north gate of the Moremi Game Reserve. The question of access to traditional land and its resources has characterized the BaSarwa’s response to the government’s Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) initiative of 1995. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/535 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_SPA_2004.pdf (2.049Mb) -
Chebanne, A. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: The Khoisan people are one of the indigenous peoples of Southern Africa. Botswana has the greatest diversity of these autochthonous communities. As ethnic minorities, they are characterized in the main by small numbers, aboriginality, and necessitousness compared to other ethnic communities who readily engage modern socioeconomic dynamics of the country. They are generally marginalized and their ethnic and social identity is completely eclipsed because in Botswana they are lumped together in cultural and language development with the main society and this has only exacerbated their plight as they are reeling under assimilation and marginalization. This situation has the effect of ethno-linguistic endangerment as they lose their individual ethnic and linguistic identities. Their agitations for ethno-linguistic preservation rights have been put in the lime-light by Human Rights NGOs. This paper examines the condition of these people within the current monolithic cultural framework, which has the effect of annihilating the Khoisan. It argues that handling the Khoisan issues within a multicultural discourse framework would be the most palpable way to cater for their continued existence as indigenous communities. It is through their languages, their preserved ethnicity, and within a framework of multicultural discourses that they can best communicate their identity through their culture. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/999 Files in this item: 1
Chebanne_JMD_2010.pdf (1.755Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: This article argues that the Kalahari desert region of the Kwena tribal reserve quietly slipped out of the imperial command from 1930–1950, at a time when British colonial authorities achieved territorial control of the tribal areas of Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana)through the chiefs. The British had reluctantly colonised Bechuanaland and initially left the chiefs to their own devices. However, with a new generation of chiefs in office in the 1920s, numerous ‘ugly’ developments in the tribal areas, and lack of regulation of chiefly powers, forced the colonial government to tighten control. By the mid-1940s this appeared to have been achieved in most parts of the country. But the lack of resources and logistical difficulties, combined with weak tribal leadership at the Kwena tribal headquarters made the Kalahari desert impossible to police. Hence, it became a safe haven for alleged criminal elements, such as tax evaders and game poachers for example. The remote and isolated village of Tsetseng proved to be a particular problem for the colonial authorities and this ‘lawless’ area was only brought back into effective imperial control in 1953 after a difficult campaign. The article also argues that consultation and Tswana succession through primogeniture made indirect rule in Bechuanaland operate differently from other parts of British Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/998 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JSAS_2010.pdf (1.448Mb) -
Morton, R.F. (Cambridge University Press http://www.jstor.org./stable/181722, NaN, 1985)[more][less]
Abstract: During the South African War of I899-I902 the Kgatla people and their leader, Linchwe I, became deeply involved in fighting on Britain's side against the Boers, and the history of their campaign helps in many ways to explain why some blacks chose to take part in the white man's war'. In contrast to recent studies which deal generally with black participation in the war, the account that follows examines the role of one specific African group and explains, in detail, how one black leader weighed his options, took deliberate action and tried to direct events in which he and his regiments were involved. Special attention is also focused on the Kgatla choice between Boer and Briton, their expectations when entering the war, their actual role in the fighting and their gains from participation balanced against the cost. Linchwe's Kgatla provide a particularly instructive case study, because in the years preceding the war part of his people were resident in the Bechuanaland Protectorate under British administration, while the other part lived in the western Transvaal under the rule of the Zuid Afrikanische Republiek (ZAR). The fact that they straddled two colonial worlds, which between I899 and I902 collided in war, was a major factor in Kgatla actions and deliberations. As 'partitioned Africans', directly familiar with and affected by both white colonial combatants, the Kgatla and their experience suggest many possible reasons why other Africans were involved in the fighting, whether against Boer or Briton. For decades scholars and amateur historians have noted Kgatla participation in the South African War, but only recently has research begun to reveal the extent and significance of the Kgatla (and African) role in the conflict. The research of Schapera, Ellenberger, Hickman, Teichler and Truschel has yielded much evidence related to Kgatla military activity beginning with the battle of Derdepoort (25 November 1899). URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/729 Files in this item: 1
Morton_CUP_1985.pdf (2.886Mb) -
Parsons, N. (Research and Development Unit, University of Botswana, http://www.ub.bw, NaN, 1997)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is about the way people of Tswana origin related with non Tswana speaking people and how they referred to them. It talks about how some of the non Tswana speaking people especially the Whites or Makgowa came into being as seen by the Tswana and other inhabitants of Southern Africa. The article also talks about trade, Traders and Travellers among the Tswana, other Africans in Southern Africa and the Whites (Makgowa,the Boers (Maburu), the Portuguese in Southern Africa. The barrier between "us" and "them" (or in postmodern-speak, "the other") in Sotho- Tswana language is said to be most clearly demarcated by the mo-! ba- (singular! plural) distinction in noun prefixes given to "us" people and the le-! ma- prefixes given to "them" people. This being a mirror image of Nguni usage, where "us" are ama- and "they" are abe-. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/1102 Files in this item: 1
Parsons_PULA_1997.pdf (2.020Mb) -
Morapedi, W.G. (Taylor & Francis, NaN, 1999)[more][less]
Abstract: This article grapples with issues that have largely remained outside the realms of migrant labour studies in colonial Botswana: the positive input of migrant wages to agricultural production and the effects of migrant wages on the differentiation of the peasantry. Although this article endorses the conventional view that migrant labour had detrimental effects on crop production and animal husbandry, it departs from previous studies in that it argues that the extent to which migrant labour led to `underdevelopment’ has not been suf® ciently demonstrated. It is also argued that migrant labour made it possible for those at the lower level of society to rise through the emerging strati® cations of the Tswana, and contributed positively to the general economies of the peasantries in Botswana’ s reserves URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/420 Files in this item: 1
Morapedi_JSAS_1999.pdf (2.123Mb) -
Mgadla, P.T. (Research and Development Unit, University of Botswana, NaN, 1997)[more][less]
Abstract: This paper is about the introduction of western education by Missionaries in Africa. These European Missionaries left their homes for religius reasons, to convert the "heathens" to the christian religion. Convertion to christian religion faced many hurdles like language barriers, cultural beliefs and that the people to be converted were illiterate. The converts to be had to be taught how to read and write to be able to interpret the bible. The education offered by Missionaries was tended to be scriptural in nature because the intended converts were supposed to read and understandthe great book of God - the Bible. Emphasis was on religious studies. Missionaries targeted African leaders such as Chiefs in their endeavor to convert and also to introduce western education. Once the leaders were convinced and converted in the new religion and education, they would influence the dissemination of the new faith to their groups or tribes. Western education was introduced in the manner such as described above among Batswana. The Missionaries who introduced western education and christianity were members of the London Missiory Society (LMS) formed in 1795 and these were Dr. Robert Moffat and Dr. Livingstone. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/475 Files in this item: 1
Mgadla_PJAS_1997.pdf (827.3Kb) -
Makgala, Christian John (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) http://www.routledge.com, NaN, 2006)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is a modest sketch of the historical background to the phenomenon of xenophobia, with which policymakers in Botswana are grappling in the early twenty-first century. It is not, however, a historical treatise on xenophobia. Furthermore, it is acknowledged that scholarship on xenophobia is recent, being a post-liberation development in Southern Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/510 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_AHR_2006.pdf (1.805Mb) -
Molefi, R.K.K. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit / http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2001)[more][less]
Abstract: This paper examines the responses of colonial governments to outbreaks of bubonic plague in the interior, particularly that of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (Botswana) administration. Bubonic plague first reached Southern Africa through the seaports of Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, and Durban in 1900 at the height of the Anglo-Boer war of 1899- 1902. The dread disease found Southern Africa's ports, harbours and railway stations bursting at the seams with wartime commerce, and with an influx of refugees from the interior and large numbers of migrant labourers. From the ports, the plague spread to towns close to railway stations and finally into the interior where it caused havoc for the political economy of rural Southern Africa. Bubonic plague normally spreads as a disease among rodent populations living in the vicinity of human habitation. Fleas from dead rats if unable to find another rodent host begin to infest people instead. Bubonic plague became endemic in Southern Africa, and natural reservoirs of the malady still exist in the region. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/736 Files in this item: 1
Molefi_PBJAS_2001.pdf (1.105Mb) -
Parsons, N. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit/http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2002)[more][less]
Abstract: This article talks about how the body of El Negro was stolen from southern Africa and how it was kept as an exhibit in a museum in Spain. Two French taxidermists stole the body later known as El Negro from a grave beyond the Cape Colony frontier in 1830-31. It was stuffed and displayed as 'Le Betjouana' (i.e. the Bechuana or Motswana) in France and as '1/ Betjouana' in Spain. From 1916 until 1998 it was the prime exhibit in a museum at Banyoles, north of Barcelona, where it became known as El Negro. Controversy over its display began in 1991, and was complicated by the assertion that a 'Betjouana' was a type of 'Bosquimano' (Bushman). URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/507 Files in this item: 1
Parsons_PBJAS_2002.pdf (824.7Kb) -
Morapedi, W.G. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2007)[more][less]
Abstract: For the last two decades, Botswana has had a reputation as a ‘country of immigration’, based on the large-scale import of skilled expatriates from Africa, Asia, and the West. This policy has been accompanied by a general acceptance, and even openness, on the part of Batswana towards non-citizens. In the late 1990s, however, these attitudes began to change, with intolerance towards non-citizens growing in a country where it was unknown only a few years earlier. (Crush 2003:1-2) The underlying reason for the growth in intolerance seems to be related to actual changes in immigration patterns in Botswana. The economic and political problems in Zimbabwe in particular have led to a significant increase in unauthorised migration to and through Botswana. The Botswana authorities have become considerably more active in arresting and deporting unauthorised migrants. Further adding to the visibility of the issue, the media and politicians have begun to identify the presence of ‘illegal immigrants’ as a problem. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/723 Files in this item: 1
Morapedi_JCAS_2007.pdf (1.902Mb)
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