Browsing History by Title
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Bolaane, M.M.M.; Kanduza, A.M. (Botswana Society, http://www.botsoc.org.bw, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This discussion is a critical assessment of the role of cultural factors in promoting tourism in Botswana. From the 1990s, the Botswana Government’s policy on tourism focused on involving local community participation in tourism by making Botswana cultural heritage one of the cornerstones of tourism. This policy included goals of alleviating rural poverty and promoting sustainable resource management. Communities in urban and rural areas were challenged to market their cultural knowledge such as holding court, traditional Botswana hospitality, performance arts and handicrafts in attracting international tourists. This policy of engaging communities in cultural tourism caused tension in relations with policies launched earlier. Since independence in 1966, the Government of Botswana followed economic policies which promoted private sector participation and partnerships. From the 1970s, the private sector was particularly courted to participate in tourism in order to attract famous and rich tourists such as entertainment actors to Botswana. This promoted a strategy and vision called ‘low volume –high price market tourism’. The Government hoped to use its reputation for good governance and economic management to attract rich tourists. It was anticipated that through cultural tourism, local communities in various parts of the country would become involved and benefit. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/867 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_BNR_2008.pdf (111.0Kb) -
Barei, G. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit/http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This article focuses on three districts of Botswana, namely Central District, Ngwaketse District and Kgatleng District. It argues that as a result of the role played by the institution of chieftainship in elections, certain voting paltems that are discussed in the conceptual framework can be associated with it. The extent to which chieftainship has influenced electoral outcomes varies from one area to another. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/508 Files in this item: 1
Barei_PBJAS_2000.pdf (1.504Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge, http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=t713429127, NaN, 2009)[more][less]
Abstract: Although economic, political, ethnic and religious factors have led to regionalisms and other divides, causing civil strife and civil wars in many countries, in Botswana the north-south divide existed for a long time merely as a political undercurrent. However, the turn of the twenty-first century saw the explosion of issues motivated by perceptions that it was the north-south divide that caused imbalance in the provision of infrastructural development and ethnic inequality. This article traces the north south divide in Botswana back to the early British colonial enterprise, when it was used for administrative convenience. Although in the post-colony the first president handled the situation pro-actively, his successors abandoned this approach. Regionalism ensued as personal ambitions for power and wealth took political and sometimes tribal dimensions. Ethnic identities were used to bolster campaigns despite the fact that identities in Botswana are multiple and multilayered rather than mutually exclusive. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/590 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JCAS_2009.pdf (4.772Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis group), http://www.routledge.com, NaN, 2009)[more][less]
Abstract: Although economic, political, ethnic and religious factors have led to regionalisms and other divides, causing civil strife and civil wars in many countries, in Botswana the north south divide existed for a long time merely as a political undercurrent. However, the turn of the twenty-first century saw the explosion of issues motivated by perceptions that it was the north south divide that caused imbalance in the provision of infrastructural development and ethnic inequality. This article traces the north south divide in Botswana back to the early British colonial enterprise, when it was used for administrative convenience. Although in the post-colony the first president handled the situation pro-actively, his successors abandoned this approach. Regionalism ensued as personal ambitions for power and wealth took political and sometimes tribal dimensions. Ethnic identities were used to bolster campaigns despite the fact that identities in Botswana are multiple and multilayered rather than mutually exclusive. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/553 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JCAS_2009.pdf (1.639Mb) -
Bolaane, M. (Blackwell Synergy; The definitive version is available at www.blackwell-synergy.com, August NaN, 2004)[more][less]
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present a background discussion on the impact of game reserve policy on Bugakhwe, " River BaSarwa" (Bushmen/San people) in Eastern Ngamiland. The issues of local community ownership and its relationship to perceptions of what constitutes a rural development, and the problems of land rights, wildlife management and settlement, are important in the booming industry of the Okavango region. When the Moremi Game Reserve was created in 1963, the San of Khwaai were moved out and relocated in their present position, at the north gate of the Moremi Game Reserve. The question of access to traditional land and its resources has characterized the BaSarwa's response to the government's Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) initiative of 1995. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/229 Files in this item: 2
Bolaane_SPA_2004.pdf (4.085Mb)license.txt (1.998Kb) -
Bolaane, M. (Wiley-Blackwell, NaN, 2004)[more][less]
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present a background discussion on the impact of game reserve policy on Bugakhwe, “River BaSarwa” (Bushmen/San people) in Eastern Ngamiland. The issues of local community ownership and its relationship to perceptions of what constitutes a rural development, and the problems of land rights, wildlife management and settlement, are important in the booming industry of the Okavango region. When the Moremi Game Reserve was created in 1963, the San of Khwaai were moved out and relocated in their present position, at the north gate of the Moremi Game Reserve. The question of access to traditional land and its resources has characterized the BaSarwa’s response to the government’s Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) initiative of 1995. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/535 Files in this item: 1
Bolaane_SPA_2004.pdf (2.049Mb) -
Chebanne, A. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: The Khoisan people are one of the indigenous peoples of Southern Africa. Botswana has the greatest diversity of these autochthonous communities. As ethnic minorities, they are characterized in the main by small numbers, aboriginality, and necessitousness compared to other ethnic communities who readily engage modern socioeconomic dynamics of the country. They are generally marginalized and their ethnic and social identity is completely eclipsed because in Botswana they are lumped together in cultural and language development with the main society and this has only exacerbated their plight as they are reeling under assimilation and marginalization. This situation has the effect of ethno-linguistic endangerment as they lose their individual ethnic and linguistic identities. Their agitations for ethno-linguistic preservation rights have been put in the lime-light by Human Rights NGOs. This paper examines the condition of these people within the current monolithic cultural framework, which has the effect of annihilating the Khoisan. It argues that handling the Khoisan issues within a multicultural discourse framework would be the most palpable way to cater for their continued existence as indigenous communities. It is through their languages, their preserved ethnicity, and within a framework of multicultural discourses that they can best communicate their identity through their culture. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/999 Files in this item: 1
Chebanne_JMD_2010.pdf (1.755Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Routledge (Taylor and francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: This article argues that the Kalahari desert region of the Kwena tribal reserve quietly slipped out of the imperial command from 1930–1950, at a time when British colonial authorities achieved territorial control of the tribal areas of Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana)through the chiefs. The British had reluctantly colonised Bechuanaland and initially left the chiefs to their own devices. However, with a new generation of chiefs in office in the 1920s, numerous ‘ugly’ developments in the tribal areas, and lack of regulation of chiefly powers, forced the colonial government to tighten control. By the mid-1940s this appeared to have been achieved in most parts of the country. But the lack of resources and logistical difficulties, combined with weak tribal leadership at the Kwena tribal headquarters made the Kalahari desert impossible to police. Hence, it became a safe haven for alleged criminal elements, such as tax evaders and game poachers for example. The remote and isolated village of Tsetseng proved to be a particular problem for the colonial authorities and this ‘lawless’ area was only brought back into effective imperial control in 1953 after a difficult campaign. The article also argues that consultation and Tswana succession through primogeniture made indirect rule in Bechuanaland operate differently from other parts of British Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/998 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_JSAS_2010.pdf (1.448Mb) -
Morton, R.F. (Cambridge University Press http://www.jstor.org./stable/181722, NaN, 1985)[more][less]
Abstract: During the South African War of I899-I902 the Kgatla people and their leader, Linchwe I, became deeply involved in fighting on Britain's side against the Boers, and the history of their campaign helps in many ways to explain why some blacks chose to take part in the white man's war'. In contrast to recent studies which deal generally with black participation in the war, the account that follows examines the role of one specific African group and explains, in detail, how one black leader weighed his options, took deliberate action and tried to direct events in which he and his regiments were involved. Special attention is also focused on the Kgatla choice between Boer and Briton, their expectations when entering the war, their actual role in the fighting and their gains from participation balanced against the cost. Linchwe's Kgatla provide a particularly instructive case study, because in the years preceding the war part of his people were resident in the Bechuanaland Protectorate under British administration, while the other part lived in the western Transvaal under the rule of the Zuid Afrikanische Republiek (ZAR). The fact that they straddled two colonial worlds, which between I899 and I902 collided in war, was a major factor in Kgatla actions and deliberations. As 'partitioned Africans', directly familiar with and affected by both white colonial combatants, the Kgatla and their experience suggest many possible reasons why other Africans were involved in the fighting, whether against Boer or Briton. For decades scholars and amateur historians have noted Kgatla participation in the South African War, but only recently has research begun to reveal the extent and significance of the Kgatla (and African) role in the conflict. The research of Schapera, Ellenberger, Hickman, Teichler and Truschel has yielded much evidence related to Kgatla military activity beginning with the battle of Derdepoort (25 November 1899). URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/729 Files in this item: 1
Morton_CUP_1985.pdf (2.886Mb) -
Parsons, N. (Research and Development Unit, University of Botswana, http://www.ub.bw, NaN, 1997)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is about the way people of Tswana origin related with non Tswana speaking people and how they referred to them. It talks about how some of the non Tswana speaking people especially the Whites or Makgowa came into being as seen by the Tswana and other inhabitants of Southern Africa. The article also talks about trade, Traders and Travellers among the Tswana, other Africans in Southern Africa and the Whites (Makgowa,the Boers (Maburu), the Portuguese in Southern Africa. The barrier between "us" and "them" (or in postmodern-speak, "the other") in Sotho- Tswana language is said to be most clearly demarcated by the mo-! ba- (singular! plural) distinction in noun prefixes given to "us" people and the le-! ma- prefixes given to "them" people. This being a mirror image of Nguni usage, where "us" are ama- and "they" are abe-. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/1102 Files in this item: 1
Parsons_PULA_1997.pdf (2.020Mb) -
Morapedi, W.G. (Taylor & Francis, NaN, 1999)[more][less]
Abstract: This article grapples with issues that have largely remained outside the realms of migrant labour studies in colonial Botswana: the positive input of migrant wages to agricultural production and the effects of migrant wages on the differentiation of the peasantry. Although this article endorses the conventional view that migrant labour had detrimental effects on crop production and animal husbandry, it departs from previous studies in that it argues that the extent to which migrant labour led to `underdevelopment’ has not been suf® ciently demonstrated. It is also argued that migrant labour made it possible for those at the lower level of society to rise through the emerging strati® cations of the Tswana, and contributed positively to the general economies of the peasantries in Botswana’ s reserves URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/420 Files in this item: 1
Morapedi_JSAS_1999.pdf (2.123Mb) -
Mgadla, P.T. (Research and Development Unit, University of Botswana, NaN, 1997)[more][less]
Abstract: This paper is about the introduction of western education by Missionaries in Africa. These European Missionaries left their homes for religius reasons, to convert the "heathens" to the christian religion. Convertion to christian religion faced many hurdles like language barriers, cultural beliefs and that the people to be converted were illiterate. The converts to be had to be taught how to read and write to be able to interpret the bible. The education offered by Missionaries was tended to be scriptural in nature because the intended converts were supposed to read and understandthe great book of God - the Bible. Emphasis was on religious studies. Missionaries targeted African leaders such as Chiefs in their endeavor to convert and also to introduce western education. Once the leaders were convinced and converted in the new religion and education, they would influence the dissemination of the new faith to their groups or tribes. Western education was introduced in the manner such as described above among Batswana. The Missionaries who introduced western education and christianity were members of the London Missiory Society (LMS) formed in 1795 and these were Dr. Robert Moffat and Dr. Livingstone. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/475 Files in this item: 1
Mgadla_PJAS_1997.pdf (827.3Kb) -
Makgala, Christian John (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) http://www.routledge.com, NaN, 2006)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is a modest sketch of the historical background to the phenomenon of xenophobia, with which policymakers in Botswana are grappling in the early twenty-first century. It is not, however, a historical treatise on xenophobia. Furthermore, it is acknowledged that scholarship on xenophobia is recent, being a post-liberation development in Southern Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/510 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_AHR_2006.pdf (1.805Mb) -
Molefi, R.K.K. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit / http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2001)[more][less]
Abstract: This paper examines the responses of colonial governments to outbreaks of bubonic plague in the interior, particularly that of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (Botswana) administration. Bubonic plague first reached Southern Africa through the seaports of Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, and Durban in 1900 at the height of the Anglo-Boer war of 1899- 1902. The dread disease found Southern Africa's ports, harbours and railway stations bursting at the seams with wartime commerce, and with an influx of refugees from the interior and large numbers of migrant labourers. From the ports, the plague spread to towns close to railway stations and finally into the interior where it caused havoc for the political economy of rural Southern Africa. Bubonic plague normally spreads as a disease among rodent populations living in the vicinity of human habitation. Fleas from dead rats if unable to find another rodent host begin to infest people instead. Bubonic plague became endemic in Southern Africa, and natural reservoirs of the malady still exist in the region. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/736 Files in this item: 1
Molefi_PBJAS_2001.pdf (1.105Mb) -
Parsons, N. (University of Botswana, Research and Development Unit/http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/browse.cfm?colid=12, NaN, 2002)[more][less]
Abstract: This article talks about how the body of El Negro was stolen from southern Africa and how it was kept as an exhibit in a museum in Spain. Two French taxidermists stole the body later known as El Negro from a grave beyond the Cape Colony frontier in 1830-31. It was stuffed and displayed as 'Le Betjouana' (i.e. the Bechuana or Motswana) in France and as '1/ Betjouana' in Spain. From 1916 until 1998 it was the prime exhibit in a museum at Banyoles, north of Barcelona, where it became known as El Negro. Controversy over its display began in 1991, and was complicated by the assertion that a 'Betjouana' was a type of 'Bosquimano' (Bushman). URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/507 Files in this item: 1
Parsons_PBJAS_2002.pdf (824.7Kb) -
Morapedi, W.G. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2007)[more][less]
Abstract: For the last two decades, Botswana has had a reputation as a ‘country of immigration’, based on the large-scale import of skilled expatriates from Africa, Asia, and the West. This policy has been accompanied by a general acceptance, and even openness, on the part of Batswana towards non-citizens. In the late 1990s, however, these attitudes began to change, with intolerance towards non-citizens growing in a country where it was unknown only a few years earlier. (Crush 2003:1-2) The underlying reason for the growth in intolerance seems to be related to actual changes in immigration patterns in Botswana. The economic and political problems in Zimbabwe in particular have led to a significant increase in unauthorised migration to and through Botswana. The Botswana authorities have become considerably more active in arresting and deporting unauthorised migrants. Further adding to the visibility of the issue, the media and politicians have begun to identify the presence of ‘illegal immigrants’ as a problem. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/723 Files in this item: 1
Morapedi_JCAS_2007.pdf (1.902Mb) -
Segobye, A.K. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) www.routledge.com, NaN, 2007)[more][less]
Abstract: The colonial and postcolonial experiences of Africans reflect the myriad changes which African societies have undergone over the last few centuries. These include cultural, political and economic transformations mainly carried through formal education and the entrenching of western knowledge and technologies. The material and ideological changes were facilitated by a number of factors which varied over time and place. Formal education via religious missions became one of the tools for accelerated cultural transformation. It instilled new values and cultural aspirations for Africans caught in the complexities of colonial life. Education became the main vehicle for many forms of liberation from poverty, oppression and the inequities oflife. It offered an escape from what was perceived as the inadequacies of African knowledge systems creating new classes and voices within African societies. University education, as and when it became accessible to Africans, was invariably laden with multiple expectations for those who gained entry from their families and the wider communities within which they lived. The university thus became a complex landscape steeped in often contradictory aspirations including the transformation of individual and collective ideas. For some, it marked the attainment of a position of superiority, elite status, and often new forms of power, whilst for others it was a place of learning and enlightenment, associated with the creation of new liberties, and tools for realising broader freedoms. The idea of transformation in the university in Africa can thus be situated in the contradictions and opportunities that university education in Africa has come to represent. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/741 Files in this item: 1
Segobye_SD_2007.pdf (995.1Kb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Oxford university press/www.oup.com, NaN, 2005)[more][less]
Abstract: This article assesses the weaknesses of opposition in Botswana through the case of Kenneth Koma, the influential President of the Botswana National Front (BNF) from 1977 to 2001. This is done by examining the perception that from 1997 Koma’s relationship with the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) destabilized and weakened the opposition in the country. The article challenges a view, held by some of his detractors in the opposition, that his leadership style was out of tune with global trends. It also argues that what some people have viewed as ‘tribalism’ — the domination of the BDP leadership by members of the Bangwato tribe (of which Koma is also a member) — seems to be primarily a matter of expediency. This alleged tribalism is used by Koma’s critics as a smear. The article analyzes the relationship between Koma and the BDP at both political and personal levels. At the political level, Koma’s failure to keep the BNF united has been capitalized on by the BDP to tighten its grip on power. At the personal level, Koma has used his connections in the BDP to advantage in his business dealings. Koma’s cult status and his personal and political choices have therefore significantly contributed to de facto one-party rule in Botswana. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/505 Files in this item: 1
Makgala_AA_2005.pdf (2.367Mb) -
Morapedi, Wazha G. (Routledge (Taylor and Francis) http://www.routledge.com, NaN, 2006)[more][less]
Abstract: This article analyses the colonial government’s intervention in crop production in Botswana through the ‘progressive farmer’ scheme, from 1946 to independence in 1966. Crop production was not a highly remunerative venture in colonial Botswana because of persistent droughts, inadequate markets and lack of sufficient draught power and farming implements. Although cattle constituted the basis of wealth and, hence, their ownership led to social differentiation from pre-colonial times, the introduction of the ‘progressive farmer’ scheme accentuated the existing social stratification by favouring the well-to-do producers. While only a few farmers benefited from state assistance, this development marked a departure from the period before 1947 when the colonial state did almost nothing to bolster crop production in the country. By utilising statistics and case histories of farmers who joined the scheme, the article argues that the support extended to a few selected farmers in only some reserves accentuated intra-peasant differentiation and differentiation between regions of the country. The article begins by briefly presenting a survey of the concept of peasant differentiation, then focuses on the nature and organisation of progressive farmer schemes and their impact on peasant differentiation. It then discusses the position of farmers in the various categories of the scheme and finally presents and analyses case studies of three progressive farmers from three different reserves. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/485 Files in this item: 1
Morapedi_JSAS_2006.pdf (1.945Mb) -
Makgala, C.J. (Cambridge University Press, NaN, 2004)[more][less]
Abstract: This essay examines, through taxation, the relationship between British colonial administrators, Tswana Dikgosi (chiefs) and their subjects in the Bechuanaland Protectorate from 1899 to 1957. It argues that since Bechuanaland became a British territory through negotiations the Tswana rulers were able to protect their interests aggressively but with little risk of being deposed. Moreover, the Tswana succession system by primogeniture worked to their advantage whenever the British sought to replace them. Taxation was one arena where this was demonstrated. Although consultation between the Dikgosi, their subjects and the British was common, subordinate tribes sometimes fared badly under Tswana rule. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/512 Files in this item: 1
makgala_JAH_2004.pdf (198.6Kb)