Browsing Political and Administrative Studies (PAS) by Title
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Now showing items 3-17 of 17
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Sebudubudu, D. (Botswana Society, NaN, 2003)[more][less]
Abstract: Botswana is widely perceived as a succesful working democracy in Africa. What is striking about Botswana is that one party dominance over the past 36 years has not led to a proliferation of corruption as it did in most African countries. However, in 1994, Botswana established a specialised anti-corruption agency, the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), following a series of corruption scandals. The DCEC combats both corruption and economic crime i.e. thefts and frauds perpetrated on the public revenue. The focus of this article is on the DCEC, the reasons for establishing it, and the nature of its performance. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/981 Files in this item: 1
Sebudubudu_BNR_2003.pdf (2.689Mb) -
Mpabanga, D. (Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This article attempts to analyse the trends and patterns relating to the past eight general elections in Botswana, from the pre-independence period in 1965 to 1999. Factors that have influenced elections in the last eight years will be discussed, and trends established for the same period. Data from various past election reports and analysis carried out by other researchers will be referred to in this article. The data used will be derived from; the total number of potential voters in Botswana; the number of electorate who registered for the elections and the number who actually voted. Percentages of the electorate who registered and actually voted, the ratio of electorate who voted to potential voters, and the ratio of voted to registered voters will be discussed. The electoral trend of percentage of voters by party and by number, and percentages of national assembly seats by political parties that contested in the last eight general elections will be studied. A summary and conclusions on these factors and lessons to be learned from the experiences of the past eight elections will be included. These experiences will be beneficial to all the political parties in the country, and the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in particular, which has won the 1999 general elections with an overwhelming victory. The BDP government and political parties should learn from the past experiences, and develop an improved and effective performance for the government. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/906 Files in this item: 1
Mpabanga_PBJAS_2000.pdf (889.0Kb) -
Molomo, M.G. (Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This article outlines that the Constitution of Botswana provides for an executive presidency with extensive powers. Unlike other constitutions in the region where power is vested with the people, in Botswana it is vested with the President. While democratic procedures have not been flaunted in Botswana, in a situation where one political party dominates both the executive and the legislative branches of government, there is cause for concern. In this situation, the checks and balances provided for in the constitution are almost redundant. The declaration of the state of emergency and the granting of the Vice-President, Ian Khama, sabbatical leave by the President are examples where the President used his executive powers. This article concludes that given the wide-ranging executive powers that the President enjoys, there is a strong case for presidential elections. In that way, the president would be directly elected by the electorate and therefore directly accountable to them. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/897 Files in this item: 1
Molomo_PBJAS_2000.pdf (1.063Mb) -
Molomo, M.G. (Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: Electoral systems are manipulative instruments that determine how elections are won and lost. Botswana is widely regarded as a frontrunner in democratic politics, but the electoral system that it operates has been wanting in some respects. Tthe First-past-the-post system has helped to consolidate democratic practice, and also provides for an effective link between Members of Parliament and their constituencies, but empirical evidence suggests that it is the least democratic electoral system. Its winner-take-all practic distorts electoral outcomes, and often produces minority governments. The article proceeds to discuss proportional representation (PR) and semi-proportional representation, and outlines their strengths and weaknesses. The paper concludes that since both the FPTP system and PR systems have inherent limitations, the best system would be one that draws on the best aspects of each system. The anicle recommends a variation of the Mixed-Member Proportionality system. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/900 Files in this item: 1
Molomo2_PBJAS_2000.pdf (880.6Kb) -
Sebudubudu, D. (Made Plain Commucation, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: Botswana has since 1965 held nine successive multi-party elections, making it Africa's longest running democracy. Although elections are high tension events, they have not sparked violence in Botswana- a rare feature in the African continent. This chapter provides an assessment on how the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) contributes to the national integrity system of the country. This chapter examines the role and structure of the commission; the resources it accounts for; its mechanisms for redress, as well as its relationship with other national integrity pillars. The aim of this assessment is to provide an overview of the laws that establish and govern the commission, and the practical situation. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/592 Files in this item: 1
Sebudubudu_TACB_2008.pdf (1.331Mb) -
Mfundisi, A. (Made Plain Commucation, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This chapter looks at local governance in the context of the national integrity system. Local councils provide local services and incur financial expenses within the statutory framework set by the central government. The chapter first looks at the legal and policy framework to ascertain whether it facilitates transparency, accountability and integrity in the local government system. Secondly, the accountability of local governance is examined. Thirdly, the relationship between local government finance and local integrity system is explored. Lastly, anti-corruption agencies are examined to assess their effectiveness in fighting corruption at local government level. The chapter concludes that local government is not actively involved in anti-corruption activities and makes some key recommendations. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/595 Files in this item: 1
Mfundisi_TACB_2008.pdf (1.799Mb) -
Sebudubudu, D. (University of Botswana, http://www.ub.bw, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This article argues that despite a change in government in 1994, there are continuities and parallels between the politics of patronage and political corruption under the apartheid National Party and African National Congress (ANC) governments in South Africa. The paper attempts to demostrate this argument first by examining how the policies of the National Party promoted patronage and provided an environment for corruption. Secondly it argues that the policies of the ANC government have since 1994 facilitated patronage and encouraged corruption as well. The paper argues that both governments use public resourcs to promote the positions of their disadvantaged supporters and to build a suport base. As well, they engaged in public corruption to serve both political and personal purposes. It concludes that such patronage and corruption have not been confronted effectively as they operate in the interests of consolidating the government. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/712 Files in this item: 1
Sebudubudu_PBJAS_2008.pdf (3.236Mb) -
Maundeni, Z. (Academic Journals, http://www.academicjournals.org, April NaN, 2010)[more][less]
Abstract: This article considers Lesotho’s political history and culture, a political history characterised by rebellious chiefs who had rejected Christianity and who were heavily armed and fought numerous wars against their black and white neighbours. Its argument is that the state’s dysfunctionality in small Lesotho is a result of a political culture and history of armed resistance, producing rebellious political elites who feuded between themselves, against the colonial establishment and against the postcolonial government. It was also a political culture that rejected Christianity, accepted old leaders to die in office and encouraged factionalism. The political parties that emerged from such a political culture were traditionally oriented, radical, dominated by old leaders and were factionalised. Such a society was not easily open to renewal through fresh leaders and borrowed ideas. The article suggests that Lesotho need to come to terms with its political history and to come up with a cultural re-orientation away from traditionalism, rebellion and factionalism. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/585 Files in this item: 1
Maundeni_AJPSIR_2010.pdf (137.1Kb) -
Molomo, M.G. (Made Plain Commucation, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This chapter discusses the national integrity system of political parties. In assessing the viability and integrity of political parties, the purpose of their existence needs to be established and analysed. The building and institutionalisation of political parties is a basic prerequisite for deepening and consolidating democracy. However, the organisational structures and the resources at the disposal of political parties influence their effectiveness. In addition, as entities that make national laws within the framework of parliamentary democracy, political parties must conduct themselves in an open and ethical manner. This chapter will assess their integrity, the handling of conflict of interest, and their perception regarding rules and disclosure. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/635 Files in this item: 1
Molomo_TACB_2008.pdf (1.574Mb) -
Mothusi, B.; Dipholo, K.B. (John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. www.wiley.com, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This article argues that efforts by the Government of Botswana to embark on privatisation of some parastatals as well as contracting out the provision of certain services with the main intention of enhancing productivity and strengthening the private sector will not have a negative effect on the strength and nature of the existing strong developmental state. It is argued that the cautious and pragmatic approach adopted by the government, coupled with the fact that privatisation in Botswana is embraced voluntarily (that is not imposed on the country by either the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as a condition for financial assistance), hiving off parastatals to the private sector will not result in the weakening and ultimate demise of the state as it has happened in some countries within Sub Saharan Africa. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/1128 Files in this item: 1
Mothusi_PAD_2008.pdf (840.7Kb) -
Maundeni, Z. (University of Botswana, www.ub.bw, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: The post-colonial Botswana elite built a developmental state.The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) inherited a developmental state-promoting state culture, which it used to modernise state institutions, to focus on creating new wealth for the nation, to build a small but coherent state structure and to centralise the exploitation of natural resources. However, the BDP developmental state reached a point of collapse and two revolutions from above were instituted to try to revive it. This is what this paper argues. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/586 Files in this item: 1
Maundeni_PBJAS_2008.pdf (3.104Mb) -
Lekorwe, M. (Made Plain Commucation, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: This chapter assesses the effectiveness of the Office of the Auditor General as a key pillar of the national integrity system in Botswana. It gives an overview of the laws and rules governing the establishment and operation of the Office, and how are these translated into reality. The chapter focuses on the role, structure and resources of the office, as well as its independence, accountability and integrity. Issues of transparency, complaints mechanisms, and the relationship with other pillars are also discussed. The chapter ends with a conclusion and recommendations. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/594 Files in this item: 1
Lekorwe_TACB_2008.pdf (2.019Mb) -
Molomo, M.G. (Routledge, http://www.informaworld.com, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This paper discusses the relationship between the ruling party and opposition parties in the struggle to capture political power in Botswana. It demonstrates the resilience of the multi-party framework that is founded on the basic principles of political freedom and civil liberty. Moreover, it explains how the poverty of ideology has presented a political landscape without any clear political alternatives. More concretely, it outlines the weaknesses of opposition parties, that they do not pose any serious challenge to the ruling party. However, in spite of their weaknesses, opposition parties have played a more constructive role in shaping the democratic process than has commonly been recognised. They have provided important checks and balances to make government more accountable and responsive to peoples' needs, yet they have not projected themselves as alternative governments. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/995 Files in this item: 1
Molomo_CCP_2000.pdf (2.191Mb) -
Maundeni, Z. (The Botswana Society, NaN, 2008)[more][less]
Abstract: The Botswana government proposed to the national parliament the setting up of an enlarged intelligence agency known as the Directorate of Intelligence and Security. It drafted and published in the Government Gazette, an Intelligence and Security Service Bill which was placed before Parliament which deferred and later approved it. However, its passing brought to the surface deep seated mistrust between cabinet and the back bench. On the other hand and in line with the country's Vision 2016 roadmap, civil society organised debates in which academics, media practioners and parliament backbenchers questioned the necessity of the reforms, the structure of the proposed agency and the timing of the bill. Taking vision 2016 as a benchmark, this article critiques the Intelligence and Security bill and provides insight that could help future reforms. Its main argument is that the proposed Intelligence and Securrity Services bill Bill and Law contradict Vision 2016 in many fundamental ways. Its other argument is that the Bill and Law contradict the emerging trends in leading democracies in the region and abroad. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/680 Files in this item: 1
Maundeni_BNR_2008.pdf (4.681Mb) -
Somolekae, G.S. (Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, NaN, 2000)[more][less]
Abstract: This article is about the struggles of Batswana women to attain gender equality. The article traces women's exclusion from public decision-making much broadly as a fundamental feature of the Tswana patriachal structure. This situation tends to reinforce itself within the public sphere in terms of discriminatory legislation and other forms of marginalization. The favorable international climate and the institutionalizationof the women's movement are identified as some of the factors that have helped to bring about positive change. However, it is urged that in order for their marginalization to be effectively addressed, the focus of the women's movement should not be on increasing numbers per se, but on transforming institutions. Women representatives should be at the forefront of pushing this transformative agenda. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10311/986 Files in this item: 1
Somolekae_PBJAS_2000.pdf (652.0Kb)
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Now showing items 3-17 of 17